The Godfather

When it comes to political campaigns and causes, Huntington native Matt Reese cornered the market.
By John Houvouras and Juliet Matthews
HQ 20 | WINTER 1995

It is a cold February morning as Matt Reese cruises along the unusually tranquil streets of Washington, D.C. Seated behind the wheel of his coal-black Mercedes Benz S 500, he lowers the window slightly as he partakes of yet another cigarette. Although traffic is light, he manages to make himself known to the other drivers on the road as he weaves through lanes at breakneck speeds, blaring his horn as he goes. Turning the wrong way down a one-way street, he forges a shortcut for himself. 

“That’s alright,” he says calmly. “Rules were meant to be broken.” 

But that, in essence, is Matt Reese. Never one to play by traditional rules, he is an innovator who has left behind his own rules in the wake of a brilliant career as one of the nation’s most highly-regarded political consultants. 

Born and raised in Huntington, W.Va., he graduated from Marshall College in 1950 before stumbling across the path of a future president named John F. Kennedy. His fortunate run-in with the distinguished senator from Massachusetts led him to Washington, D.C., where he made a home for himself as one of the nation’s first professional political gurus. 

Today, at age 67 and semiretired from the racket of campaigns, corporations and consulting, he is revered among Washington’s elite as the “Godfather of political consulting,” the “dean of the business” and the “man who changed politics forever in America.” In short, he is a giant in the industry.

At 6’5″ and at times well in excess of 300 pounds, Reese is a man who rarely goes unnoticed. His physical stature, intellectual depth, high­profile career and remarkable sense of humor make him an intriguing character by any standard. 

“I’ve known every president since Truman, every Democratic president that is,” the self-proclaimed liberal boasts. “I’ve had the opportunity to see Jennings Randolph in his underwear – which may not be an opportunity at all,” he laughs. 

Traffic picks up but Reese is undaunted. Speeding past many of Washington’s monuments and memorials, he begins reflecting on a distinguished career that has taken him from the streets of Huntington to the hallways of Capitol Hill.

Republican Family Values 

Matthew Anderson Reese was born August 9, 1927, in his grandmother’s house at 2033 Fifth Avenue. While his parents were by no means wealthy, Reese, an only child, recalls that his family was still prominent in the neighborhood. His turf, as he calls it, covered 20th Street and his memories of growing up in the area are fond. 

“I remember the feeling of community. I really didn’t live in Huntington as much as I did on 20th Street. When I went to school at Holderby Elementary there were rich kids and poor kids. Everybody was in that class.” 

For Reese, Huntington represented a small slice of Ameri­ana that has since vanished. The sense of community that he remembers so vividly was an ideal environment to raise children. 

“It was a nice town to grow up in. If I was misbehaving, Mrs. Bevins, one of my neighbors, would come out onto her porch and yell, ‘Sonny Reese! I’m going to tell your mother. Now you stop doing that.’ It was that kind of community.” 

Reese also attended Emmons Elementary, Enslow Junior High and Huntington East, where he graduated in 1945. While he was a solid student, Reese says he wasn’t particularly interested in learning. 

“I was interested in grades. Back then, you got status by being a jock or being smooth socially, neither of which I was. The third level was good grades.” 

Following his draft into military service at age 18, Reese entered Marshall College where he admits he didn’t know what he wanted to do. “And I’m still trying to decide,” he laughs. 

Nevertheless, he did study political science and minored in philosophy. For Reese, the son of a strictly Republican family (they voted straight tickets each election), college was a new world. 

“My information was limited growing up,” he recalls. “I got the Huntington papers and that was pretty much the extent of my incoming information. But it was at Marshall that I learned there were people in the world like Walter Reuther. Reuther was from Wheeling and a great labor leader. He was the president of the United Auto Workers. One of the joys of my life is that I got to know Walter Reuther during my career.” 

But the highlight of his time at Marshall, according to Reese, was dating his future wife. 

“I met the beautiful Martha Sedinger and that was all I was interested in for four years.” 

After graduation, he married his college sweetheart and sold encyclopedias, insurance and cars for his father. 

At that point in his life, having the experience of a college degree, Reese had gone his own way politically, breaking from his Republican upbringing. 

“Mother always blamed my teachers at Marshall – M.G. ‘Bernie’ Burnside and Conley Dillon – for corrupting me.” 

But Reese’s departure from the conservative views of his family would be permanent. He studied the issues of the day and found himself supporting many liberal ideas. 

Today, Reese says the definitions of liberal and conservative haven’t changed much since he was a child.

“It was a feeling that the liberals cared about the people, sometimes to their own disadvantage,” he says. “The liberals thought there was something you could do to effectuate change in people’s lives. The conservatives, in my opinion, thought there was nothing you could do and they didn’t want to anyway … that people got what they deserved. 

“It’s a matter of caring, just caring for people. I think liberals got into problems mostly out of the Vietnam War and taking on the burdens of the disadvantaged. I think ‘liberal’ is probably a bad word today. Some of our welfare programs didn’t work – but better to have tried and failed than not to have tried in my view,” Reese says. 

“There are some of us who have great advantages – a stable home, a loving family, money to get educated – and some of us don’t. And I think those of us who have advantages owe something to the community.” 

As for Republicans, Reese says he just doesn’t like them and never has. There are only two exceptions: Abraham Lincoln and his mother, who once asked Reese how he could possibly become a Democrat.

“I learned to read, Mother,” he answered. 

But it was a favor for Burnside that changed the direction Reese’s life was heading. When his former political science instructor decided to run for Congress in 1954, Reese volun­teered to help with the campaign. 

“We won the election and came to Washington for the first time in 1955,” he recalls. “We were there two years and then we lost in the 1956 election that Eisenhower swept.” 

While the experience wasn’t a monumental awakening in his young career, it did provide the impetus for future political involvement that would change his life forever.

The Primary 

After his first taste of politics, Reese became active in the Young Democrats, first in the county and then in the state. 

“I became executive secretary of the Young Democrats. That’s where I was when Kennedy came along.” 

Shortly thereafter, Bob McDonough, Reese’s mentor and then chairman of the Wood County Democratic Committee, sent out a questionnaire asking respondents whom they would support for president in the 1960 election. 

“I checked Jack Kennedy. I had met him while I was in Washington. He was an appealing human being.” 

In 1959, Reese was asked to escort Ted Kennedy for a day in Huntington. The younger Kennedy was laying the groundwork for the crucial West Virginia primary which many predicted JFK could not win. A Roman Catholic candidate, the experts noted, was a longshot at best in state with fewer than five percent Catholics. 

“I put a dinner together with some local leaders and got Teddy on television. The Kennedys then called and asked me to work for Jack at the beginning of 1960. Back then, this was an incredibly early start. There was a May 10 primary and I took the West Virginia Blue Book and my Young Democrat contacts and organized 35 of the 55 counties. I got other Democrats to say they were for Kennedy. It was a little more than that but we were successful because he was an attractive person and had been all over Life magazine and the news.” 

Early into the campaign, Reese had caught the attention of the Kennedy clan and forged relationships that would serve him well in years to come.

“Bob Kennedy came in a time or two. We got along great. I said the right things: ‘Let’s quit talking and let’s go ahead and do something.’ And he liked that.” 

Reese eventually was transferred to Kennedy’s campaign headquarters at the Kanawha Hotel in Charleston where his unique work ethic didn’t go unnoticed. 

“I’m something of a procrastinator,” he confesses. “Our habit was to work until about 7:30 p.m. and then go to the press club and have dinner. One evening, I had a memo to do. After dinner, I went back to work. I decided I’d go to a movie and then get to the memo. But then I watched Jack Parr. By that time it was about one o’clock in the morning. I knew there was nothing that could distract me.” 

Finally, Reese absorbed himself in writing the memo. It was 4:30 a.m. when he looked up to see Bobby Kennedy standing in the doorway. Kennedy, who had just flown in from Boston on the Caroline (the Kennedy family airplane) exclaimed, “What the hell are you doing here?” 

“Well, I just had so much work to do,” Reese responded. “And I thought to myself, ‘You phony S.O.B.’ He probably thought, ‘Oh, that Reese is one hard worker.’ I later told him the real story.”

His day of glory in the campaign came when JFK lost his voice and Reese was asked to speak for him. 

“We met the Caroline and left for Cabin Creek – Kennedy, me and Dave Powers, Kennedy’s assistant. I said to Dave, ‘Where’s the speech?’ And he said, ‘What speech?’ So we jotted down some notes. 

“Kennedy was carrying around a Dixie cup with some brown liquid in it which I thought was probably bourbon. When we got back in from campaigning, he took out a legal pad and scribbled something down and showed it to me. I turned to Dave to ask him what it was and he couldn’t read his writing either. Kennedy wrote it again and I still couldn’t make it out. Finally, he wrote in big letters, ‘HONEY.’ And I said, ‘Well I like you, too, Senator.’” 

In the final weeks leading to the election, Reese shared an office with Larry O’Brien, who went on to become head of Kennedy’s Congressional Liaison at the White House, Postmaster General and chairman of the Democratic National Committee. 

“I remember ABC news interviewed me right before the election. I told them we were going to win and Larry O’Brien nearly had a stroke. I really thought we were going to win and, of course, we did. One of the last polls showed us with only 43 percent of the vote but we won with 59 percent. 

“John Kennedy was superb because he had such great presentation and he made us all look like a bunch of geniuses. That was a high point in my young life. There I was, a guy from West Virginia, 32 years old, and I knew the president of the United States.” 

Mr. Reese Goes to Washington 

With John F. Kennedy in the White House, Reese moved to Washington. He quickly went to work using the success of the West Virginia primary to launch his own political enterprises in the big city. 

In 1966, he founded Reese Communications Companies (RCC), one of the first political consulting firms in the nation. With the venture, he set into motion a new approach to political campaigning in America and began making a name for himself in the exclu­sive political circles of Washington.

Reese’s eventual mastery of marketing candidates and causes was based on a simple formula: deciding what to say to whom, through what channels, how many times. Often his theory played out in simple persistence, such as a Missouri right-to-work campaign in which Reese represented union clients. 

His method for that crusade was “a mail, a mail, a visit, a phone, a mail, a visit, a phone, a visit, a visit, a visit.” 

The campaign, which polls initially reported were 63-30 for the adoption of an anti-labor right-to-work provision, ended with a 55-45 win for the unions. 

Word of Reese’s reputation gained momentum as it spread through the fast-paced political circuit. His enterprise was not unnoticed, but then again Matt Reese is hard to miss. At 6’5″ and well over 300 pounds, he is an imposing figure. But Reese, who has never taken his vices too seriously, is quick to poke fun at himself. Regarding a late 1980s Playboy article where he was interviewed, Reese quipped, “Fortunately for readers, I kept my clothes on.” 

As his reputation grew, so did his publicity. Reese, who normally took a back seat to candidates, became a phenomenon in his own right. His pioneering efforts became the subjects of numerous articles in such highly-regarded publications as Newsweek, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times and, yes, even Playboy. 

The Godfather 

For all of his efforts, Reese has been dubbed the “quintessential salesman of candidates and causes,” the “dean of the business,” “the man who changed politics forever in America,” and the “Godfather of political consulting.” 

At one time or another, reported Campaigns and Elections Magazine, nearly every Democratic political consultant in the business has worked for Reese. 

His profession has taken him from the back roads of West Virginia to the streets of Washington and to numerous foreign countries around the world. 

At an almost delirious pace, RCC directed more than 30 campaigns from 1980-1982, the height of Reese’s political consulting. But the boost in business wasn’t without chaos. 

“In 1982, we had 14 campaigns from Hawaii to Venezuela and I was on the plane all the time. I had very competent people who were there on the scene – but the candidates had hired me, so I had to go in and perform. 

“On one of those trips, I came in on a red eye from Honolulu to Las Vegas but the guy on the scene couldn’t meet me at the airport and brief me on the way to the hotel (the usual procedure). I knew what we were supposed to be doing, but you can’t remember the details of 14 different campaigns,” Reese confesses. 

“So I went to the hotel and up to the suite and just as I was being briefed, in came these three guys. As they began talking, I took out a legal pad and wrote, ‘Who are these people and what is our candidate’s name?'” 

But as frenzied as those days were, Reese never took on a Republican client, though he had been approached. On one occasion, a wealthy Republican candidate contacted Reese, offering big bucks. Reese recalls discussing the offer with Martha while their daughter Holly was listening. 

“It’s always tough trying to keep enough work to make a living, so I told Martha, ‘God it’s hard to turn that down.’ And Holly said, ‘Daddy, why don’t you take him, tell him all the wrong things to do, you’ll get the money and he’ll lose.”‘ 

But throughout his career, Reese has worked for Democrats only. 

“It has been a moral and business decision. If you worked for both, you wouldn’t be trusted.” 

Throughout his stellar career, Reese has worked with such political powerhouses as Lyndon B. Johnson, Robert F. Kennedy, Frank Church, Ted Kennedy, Tip O’Neil, Birch Bayh, Tom Eagleton, Claiborne Pell, Richard Byran, John Glenn, Russell Long, Jay Rockefeller and John Y. Brown Jr.

The Corporate Raider 

After the hoopla of the early 1980s, Reese was looking for a new direction. Political wheeling and dealing was the basis of his career, but it was time to change focus. The Godfather moved out of government to take on the corporate world. 

Today, he says the campaigns he enjoyed most were the candidateless ones, the initiatives.

“The clients leave you alone, you have control, you don’t have a spouse who’s difficult, you don’t have a candi­date who wants to see himself bronzed in front of the courthouse.” 

Over a five-year period, RCC handled such big name clients as AT&T, Phillip Morris, Chevron, Citicorp, Blue Cross and Blue Shield, Electronic Industry Association of Japan, Humana Incorporated, McDonnell Douglas, Miller Brewing and United Airlines to name a few. 

After conquering the private sector Reese, at age 60, was ready for yet another change – this time retirement. 

In late 1987, Wire and Plastic Products Limited bought out RCC and its research subsidiary Targeting Systems, Inc. The terms of the sale were reportedly $14 million up front plus a five­year earnout of up to $21 million based on company performance. 

Bowing Out 

After leaving the company in 1988, Reese taught at Harvard University for a semester as a Resident Fellow at the Institute of Politics, Kennedy School of Government. Then he “vegetated” for a while. 

“But I didn’t really like that,” Reese admits, “so I became involved as a volunteer in the two issues that I have a passion for – gun control and reproductive rights.” 

Reese has since taught courses at the Graduate School of Political Management at George Washington University. In addition, he is writing a book ­ or at least working on one. 

“Ol’ procrastination has got me again. I have everything you need to write a book except talent and discipline. Other than that, I’m in perfect shape.” 

The book title, Purple Ears and Green Noses, is based on the targeting concept for two kinds of voters: the undecided (green noses) and the nonvoter who supports you (purple ears). 

Retirement also has given Reese more time to spend with his family. Throughout his hectic career, he has worked for numerous movers and shakers, but none as important as his wife Martha and their three children: April, Holly and Tim. 

“Well, it may sound corny, but Martha’s my best friend. I used to not understand that. A long marriage either sours or sweetens. And ours has sweetened. We have good times together. We have mutual interests. We care about each other.” 

All the President’s Men 

Retirement has given Reese the chance to sit back and reflect on a career that has seen rapid political change, historical significance and personal loss. 

Recalling his experiences on the campaign trail, the Kennedys are prominent in his memories. His recollections of JFK are fond. 

“Well, I was starstruck with him so I could never have become his friend. He was easy to talk to. He was a little cold – I don’t mean to me. It was just a cool personality. Until you made it with him, you always heard praise. But once you had made yourself a place, you got none of that. You heard only when you screwed up. And it became an honor to get into that position. He loved to joke and when he came into a room you went to him. I don’t know what it was.” 

Reese remembers Robert Kennedy with even greater affection. 

“Bobby Kennedy and I became friends. Bobby was much warmer. If you were a friend, you never saw the harsh side. They both believed the first responsibility of the political situation was loyalty. And if you were loyal to them, they were loyal to you. He was somewhat of a manipulative man, but so are all politicians. They want to be liked and respected and that’s how they get elected. Still, Bobby Kennedy was warm, growing, caring, smart, decent – one of the most remarkable human beings I ever met. I knew him from 1959 until his death. I think he would have been a better president than JFK.” 

The assassinations of the two brothers affected Reese. He pauses before proceeding. 

“Bobby’s death was more traumatic for me than JFK’s because I felt like things were over and I had a greater sense of personal loss. It made me a cynic of sorts, less optimistic. It depressed me a bit and killed my youth.” 

He continues, reflecting on another president with whom he has worked. 

“Lyndon Johnson was a good, mean man. Powerful personality, crude, cruel, determined, but he did a lot of fine things. He isn’t someone you liked, isn’t someone you expected kindness or generosity from, but he was president and by God he was president.” 

State of the Union 

While Matt Reese may be retired, he remains actively involved in today’s issues. He is still outspoken and readily offers his opinions regarding today’s leaders. 

On President Bill Clinton: “I think he’s a caring, decent, bright, potentially great president of the United States. I think he’s a consummate politician and knows how to settle for less than what he wants – he may be too malleable there.” 

On Hillary Clinton: “She’s bright as hell. Everything I’ve seen her do she’s done with restraint and taste. She deals appropriately with people. She’s interested in you. In Washington, you know your status when you’re talking with somebody and they’re looking to see if there is somebody more important to talk to. Hillary doesn’t do that. I think if someone else were president she would be headed for a cabinet position. She’s just that good. I don’t understand the criticism of her. Why are we criticizing her? Because she’s smart and strong? Seems a foolish thing.” 

On Sen. Jay Rockefeller: “Remarkable,” Reese says. “Like RFK was growing, he is also growing. He is cautious and substantive. I think he would have run for president had he not been so concerned about his understanding of certain issues. I think he would have made a good candidate, could have won the nomination and could be president today.” 

On Sen. Robert C. Byrd: “I have great respect and affection for the senior senator. I like his conservatism from the standpoint of the rules of the Constitution and I love it when he pork barrels West Virginia. We’ve had so little for so long and it’s nice to see us getting an unfair advantage for once.” 

On Newt Gingrich: “As interesting a person as I’ve seen in years. But he’s in danger of weakening his leadership with things like this book deal and some of his off-color comments. In Doonesbury, he’s a bomb ready to go off. That’s pretty accurate.”

And his thoughts on the Republican sweep in the most recent election: “They got more votes than we did,” he jokes. “The revolution was deserved because the people were so upset with the Congress and the president and how they fought. So they decided, as a people, they were going to change. They voted for change in ’92 when they elected Clinton but it wasn’t enough.” 

As for the economic and political future of the country, Reese sees continued growth as well as periods of lively debate. 

“America is wonderful in its diversity which will always cause us problems – because we’re not homogenous. I think in my lifetime we’ve changed a great deal in race relations, sex relations, and I think for the better. I think our democracy is strong. We fight hard, sometimes dirty, sometimes corruptly, but once it’s decided everybody works together. And that’s not the way it is in most of the world.” 

The Next Term 

And what does the future hold for Matt Reese? 

“Lord, I don’t know. I hope that in the next five or six years I can make a difference in gun control. 

“There are more federally-licensed gun dealers in the United States than there are gas stations. You can become a federally-licensed gun dealer by sending in $10 to the government bureau, then you can handle shotguns and AK47s and bazookas. The issue is hot as hell and I’m as skilled as I can be and I ought to be able to help there. If somebody 50 years ago had done this, maybe some of my friends would still be here.” 

He speaks sagely, but then again Matt Reese has proven himself. As a key player in JFK’s most crucial primary, Reese organized the victory that wasn’t supposed to happen. After all, “the rules” said a Roman Catholic candidate couldn’t win in West Virginia. The rules also said a young man from a small town in West Virginia couldn’t reach the top of Washington’s inner circles. But is it any surprise that Reese broke those rules? And who knows what rules he will rewrite before it’s all over …